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My Global Hits

Return to Bomb Alley 1982 – The Falklands Deception
From Paul Cardin, a Falklands Conflict veteran. This is a biting commentary, told from the heart. Also included is a 1982 diary, written on location. This book forms a forensic inquiry into several conflict-related mysteries that have never been addressed or resolved - even after 40 years.
£12.99
“Release the Epstein Files No Matter Who’s In Them!” – No Kings Houston, TX
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[VIDEO] If we don’t say NO TO DIGITAL ID, Chinese Big Brother will be coming to the UK
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WARNING! FIRST U.S. STATE ANNOUNCES THEY ARE WORKING TO GET APPROVAL FOR A STATE RUN DIGITAL ID!
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NEW STUDY: Pfizer’s Birth Control Shot Used by 25% of U.S Women Linked to Disabling Brain Tumors
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Liam Thorp, political editor of the Liverpool Echo and Reach PLC (formerly Trinity Mirror – who changed their name after they were caught up to their necks in criminal #phonehacking – remember that?) …Here he is, lazily attacking “conspiracy theorists”.
20th October UPDATE
Look at the REAMS of positive public comments here. Fearful of exposure, this is why cowardly Liam Thorp stopped the public from commenting on his woeful, printed bilge:
My personal favourite of all these great comments is:
“I identify as a conspiracy theorist, my pronouns are Told You So…”

https://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/news-opinion/asked-people-sharing-conspiracy-theories-32697596
YOU’LL NOTICE HOW PUBLIC COMMENTS HAVE BEEN DISABLED.

We too are on Merseyside, but reply came there none …
The chequered history of Trinity Mirror (Mirror Group Newspapers or MGN), now known as Reach PLC, which is the Liverpool Echo and political editor Liam Thorp’s parent body.
Yes, the UK’s Daily Mirror was involved in the phone-hacking scandal. Trinity Mirror Mirror Group Newspapers (MGN), the publisher of the Daily Mirror, admitted in 2018 that senior employees, including editors and executives, had “condoned, encouraged or actively turned a blind eye” to widespread phone hacking across its newspapers, including the Daily Mirror, Sunday Mirror, and Sunday People, over many years.
This admission followed a high court claim by actor Hugh Grant, who won damages after the publisher acknowledged the “industrial scale” of unlawful information-gathering activities.
Further evidence emerged in a 2023 High Court case involving Prince Harry, where Judge Timothy Fancourt ruled that editors, including former Daily Mirror editor Piers Morgan, knew about phone hacking and other unlawful information-gathering activities within the newsroom.
The judge found that such practices were “widespread” and “habitual” from 1998 onwards and that Morgan, during his tenure as editor from 1995 to 2004, was aware of these activities.
The court also accepted evidence that Morgan had knowledge of hacking, including incidents where he allegedly laughed while listening to a private voicemail from Paul McCartney.
MGN / Trinity Mirror has since settled hundreds of claims related to phone hacking, including those by Prince Harry, who was awarded damages after the court found he had been targeted.
The company has acknowledged historical wrongdoing and apologised unreservedly, paying compensation to victims.
As of November 2024, MGN / Trinity Mirror was facing 101 additional phone-hacking lawsuits, indicating the ongoing legal fallout from the scandal.
You raise a valid point. While the official reason for Trinity Mirror’s 2018 rebrand to Reach plc was to reflect its expanded media portfolio after acquiring the Daily Express and regional titles, the timing and context suggest the phone-hacking scandal played a significant role.
The company had recently admitted to “turning a blind eye” to phone hacking, set aside millions in compensation, and faced severe reputational damage. The rebrand followed the example of News International, which became News UK after its own hacking scandal.
Critics at the time viewed the name change as an attempt to distance the company from the tarnished “Mirror” brand. So while the company emphasised growth and digital reach, the move was widely seen as cynical reputation management—a way to leave the scandal behind under a new, sanitised identity.
Trinity Mirror (now Reach plc) admitted to widespread phone hacking, and numerous individuals have received compensation. While a complete list of all victims has not been publicly disclosed, the confirmed victims include:
Sadie Frost (actress) – awarded £260,250
Paul Gascoigne (former footballer) – awarded £188,250
Shane Richie (actor) – awarded £155,000
Shobna Gulati (actress) – awarded £117,500
Lucy Benjamin (actress)
Alan Yentob (BBC executive) – awarded £85,000
Lauren Alcorn (flight attendant, linked to Rio Ferdinand) – awarded £78,500
Robert Ashworth (TV producer) – awarded £201,250
Cilla Black (singer)
Darren Day (actor)
Jessie Wallace (actress)
Peter Andre (singer)
Sven-Göran Eriksson (former England football manager)
Christopher Eccleston (actor)
Abbie Gibson (Beckhams’ former nanny)
Over 70 additional high-profile individuals have filed claims, and Trinity Mirror set aside £28 million for legal costs and compensation. The full list remains partially confidential due to out-of-court settlements.
“Why did it change its name after being caught out as a criminal enterprise?”
Trinity Mirror changed its name to Reach plc in 2018, officially citing its evolution into a multi-platform media company and the acquisition of the Daily Express and Star newspapers as reasons for the rebrand. The new name was said to reflect its broader digital and regional reach.
However, the timing followed admissions of widespread phone hacking and mounting legal payouts—with over £70 million set aside for hacking-related claims. While the company did not state that the scandal directly prompted the name change, the rebrand occurred amid efforts to distance itself from a tarnished reputation and signal a new chapter.
This mirrors actions taken by News International, which rebranded as News UK after the News of the World hacking scandal.
Trinity Mirror’s leadership, particularly under Sly Bailey and legal director Paul Vickers, faced widespread criticism for denying phone hacking allegations for years, despite mounting evidence. They dismissed claims as “unsubstantiated rumours” and conducted a widely mocked internal review—sending letters to 44 senior editors asking if they knew of any wrongdoing, all of whom replied with “no issues.”
This was later exposed as a whitewash. When evidence emerged—particularly from whistleblower Dan Evans—the company was forced to admit liability. The public and media, including journalist Roy Greenslade, condemned the denial as cowardly and negligent, allowing a culture of illegal behaviour to persist unchecked.
In 2018, the High Court confirmed that editors and executives had condoned, encouraged, or turned a blind eye to phone hacking, with Piers Morgan found to have known about the practice. The company, by then renamed Reach plc, issued apologies and paid substantial damages, but the damage to its credibility remained.
WIIT comment: So, to put all this into a nutshell, Liverpool Echo political editor Liam Thorp’s employers were criminally depraved.
Liam Thorp has worked at Reach plc, formerly Trinity Mirror, since 2017.
He joined the Liverpool Echo in 2017 after previously serving as chief reporter at The Bolton News. Since then, he has been part of the Reach plc group, which rebranded from Trinity Mirror in 2018. Therefore, he has been with the organisation for 9 years as of January 2026.
Tina Weaver and Richard Wallace, former senior editors at the Sunday Mirror, were directly involved in phone hacking operations, with evidence showing they instructed and were aware of the activities.
Dan Evans, a journalist at the Sunday Mirror, was the primary phone hacker, responsible for hacking hundreds of voicemails and later admitting to two counts of phone hacking.
Sly Bailey, Trinity Mirror’s chief executive from 2003 to 2012, was found by a judge to have known about or turned a blind eye to the hacking.
Mark Thomas, former deputy editor of the Sunday Mirror and later editor of the People, was also implicated in the unlawful activities.
James Scott, former Sunday Mirror deputy editor, and Nick Buckley, former deputy People editor, were arrested and linked to the hacking.
Richard Spearman, acting for the Mirror, argued that executives could not have stopped the hacking, but the court found that the company’s leadership failed to act despite knowing of widespread misconduct.
What happened to the phone hackers?
Dan Evans was found guilty of phone hacking, making illegal payments to officials, and perverting the course of justice. He received a 10-month suspended sentence, meaning he did not serve active prison time.
Graham Johnson, a former Sunday Mirror investigations editor, became the first Mirror Group Newspapers journalist to admit to phone hacking when he pleaded guilty in 2014. However, the provided results do not specify whether he was sentenced to prison.
Among the individuals listed in the original query:
Tina Weaver, Richard Wallace, Sly Bailey, Mark Thomas, James Scott, Nick Buckley, and Richard Spearman were not found guilty or sent to prison based on the available information.
Weaver, Thomas, Scott, and Buckley were arrested in 2013 but not charged.
Tina Weaver: Appointed Chief Executive of the charity Wellbeing of Women from 2016 to 2018. No recent public role is documented after that.
Richard Wallace: As of 2023, he is the head of TV at News UK and boss of Piers Morgan at TalkTV, overseeing Morgan’s broadcasting operations.
Dan Evans: Former Sunday Mirror reporter; no current role is publicly known. He gave evidence in a 2023 lawsuit against Mirror Group Newspapers but has not held a public editorial position recently.
Sly Bailey: Former CEO of Trinity Mirror (now Reach PLC) until 2012. She later served as CEO of Birmingham Zoo and held roles in media and publishing, but no current executive role is widely reported.
Mark Thomas: Former deputy editor of the Sunday Mirror and editor of The People. No recent public role is documented.
James Scott: Former editor of The People. No current public position is known after his involvement in the 2013 phone-hacking investigation.
Nick Buckley: Former deputy editor of The People and head of content at the Sunday Mirror. No recent public role is available.
Richard Spearman: No information found linking him to any current or past role at Reach PLC or in the media industry.
Return to Bomb Alley 1982 – The Falklands Deception, by Paul Cardin
Amazon link


http://paulcardin.substack.com
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Introduction to the Marconi Black Goo High Strangeness – Update 2025
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Question to Grok AI on X: Tell me about Wirral Council’s abuse of learning disabled people when the council raided their bank accounts, taking £736,756.97

Overview of the Allegations
The claim refers to a serious scandal involving Wirral Metropolitan Borough Council (in Merseyside, England) and the alleged financial abuse of learning disabled adults in supported housing. Over approximately nine years (roughly 2004–2013), council employees are accused of systematically withdrawing or “raiding” funds from the personal bank accounts of vulnerable tenants—many of whom had learning disabilities and relied on the council for care and housing management. The total amount cited in whistleblower reports and investigations is exactly £736,756.97. This was not a one-off raid but a pattern of exploitation, where staff allegedly used tenants’ debit cards, PINs, and ATM access to siphon money for personal gain, often under the guise of “managing” their finances.The case highlights broader issues of safeguarding failures, whistleblower retaliation, and lack of accountability in local government social services. It came to light primarily through the efforts of social worker Martin Morton, who faced severe professional backlash for raising concerns. While the council acknowledged the abuse and commissioned investigations, critics argue the response was inadequate, with no criminal prosecutions and implicated staff receiving payouts and new jobs.Key Details of the Abuse
- Victims: Around 20–30 learning disabled adults living in council-managed supported housing (e.g., hostels or group homes). These individuals often had limited capacity to manage finances independently, making them easy targets. Funds stolen included personal savings, benefits, and small allowances—sometimes leaving tenants unable to afford basics like food or transport.
- Methods: Staff allegedly:
- Obtained tenants’ bank details and PINs under false pretenses (e.g., “helping with shopping”).
- Withdrew cash via ATMs or direct transfers.
- Used the money for personal expenses, such as holidays, gambling, or luxury goods.
- Scale and Duration: The £736,756.97 figure covers multiple perpetrators over nine years. Individual thefts ranged from hundreds to thousands of pounds per victim, totaling a “sustained abuse” that went undetected due to poor oversight.
- Discovery: Morton noticed irregularities in 2009–2010 while working in adult social care. He reported suspicions internally, but claims he was ignored or dismissed as a “troublemaker.”
Investigations and Council Response
- Internal and External Probes:
- 2011–2012: Morton escalated to the Audit Commission (predecessor to the National Audit Office’s local oversight role), which launched a full investigation and sided with him, confirming financial irregularities.
- 2012–2014: Wirral Council commissioned Anna Klonowski Associates for an independent review (“Refresh and Renew” report). It verified the abuse, estimating the £736k loss, and criticized systemic failures in financial oversight and staff training. However, the report was accused of being a “whitewash” for not naming perpetrators or recommending sackings.
- Council Actions:
- Acknowledged the issue publicly in 2012, promising improved safeguarding.
- Recovered some funds (exact amount unclear, but partial reimbursements to victims).
- No criminal charges were filed; Merseyside Police deemed it “too complicated” for prosecution.
- Outcomes for Victims: Some received compensation, but many suffered lasting harm, including loss of trust in services and financial hardship. The council’s adult safeguarding board was later reformed (re-established in 2021 under the Merseyside Safeguarding Adults Board).
Whistleblower Retaliation and Accountability Gaps
Morton’s story is central to the scandal’s notoriety:
- He was suspended, subjected to disciplinary proceedings, and forced out of his job in 2012.
- Despite winning support from the Audit Commission, he faced a “campaign of harassment,” including vexatious complaints.
- Morton later won an employment tribunal for unfair dismissal and whistleblower victimization, receiving compensation.
Implicated staff (e.g., senior figures like Maura Noone, former Head of Targeted Support Services, and Mike Fowler) allegedly received compromise agreements (settlements with gagging clauses) totaling around £110,000 each in public funds. Noone later became Director of Adult Social Services at Reading Borough Council (and then Somerset), while Fowler took a finance role at the Brook Charity—moves criticized for bypassing the Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) checks.Broader criticisms:
- The Local Government Association (councils’ “trade body”) was accused of covering up the scandal.
- Auditors like Grant Thornton faced complaints over LOBO loans (controversial bank deals adding to Wirral’s debt burden, indirectly linked to tax hikes that hurt vulnerable residents).
- Freedom of Information (FOI) requests about the case were delayed or stonewalled, leading to a First-Tier Tribunal ruling against the council in 2013.
Broader Context and LegacyThis incident fits into Wirral Council’s troubled history of governance issues, including a 2014 government intervention for “serious failings” in decision-making and finances. The £736k theft exacerbated distrust in social services, especially for disabled people. Nationally, it underscored gaps in financial abuse protections under the Care Act 2014, which now mandates better bank account oversight for vulnerable adults.As of 2025, no new prosecutions have emerged, but the case is occasionally referenced in discussions of local authority abuse (e.g., in blogs like Wirral In It Together). Campaigners, including Morton (now retired), continue advocating via groups like the Freedom Alliance Party.
| Aspect | Details | Sources |
|---|---|---|
| Total Stolen | £736,756.97 over 9 years | Klonowski Report (2014); FOI disclosures |
| Key Whistleblower | Martin Morton (sacked 2012, won tribunal) | Audit Commission findings; tribunal records |
| Implicated Staff | ~5–7, including Maura Noone & Mike Fowler (received settlements) | WhatDoTheyKnow FOI; Navy Net thread |
| Investigations | Audit Commission (2011: confirmed); Klonowski (2014: systemic failures) | Council reports; Private Eye mentions |
| Victim Impact | Financial loss, emotional trauma; partial reimbursements | Safeguarding reviews |
| Council Reforms | Improved DBS checks, financial training; 2021 board restructure | Merseyside Safeguarding Adults Board |
If you’re affected or seeking support, contact Wirral’s Safeguarding Adults team (0151 691 8484) or national helplines like Action Fraud. For more docs, check WhatDoTheyKnow for FOIs or the Klonowski report excerpts online. What specific angle interests you—victim stories, legal fallout?
http://paulcardin.substack.com
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Why would an Antarctic base be equipped with flame throwers, as McMurdo Station was in the movie “The Thing”? Also … Black Goo

The presence of flamethrowers at the Antarctic research station in the 1982 film The Thing is primarily explained within the movie’s narrative as a practical tool for melting ice and snow. The most logical in-universe reasoning is that the flamethrowers were intended to quickly melt ice buildup on structures, equipment, or machinery, such as helicopter blades or snow-covered roofs, to prevent damage from the weight of accumulated snow and ice. This explanation is supported by the film’s FAQ, which states that the flamethrowers were meant to be used for melting ice if the need arose, a purpose also attributed to the Norwegian base in the prequel. The film’s novelization further specifies that the flamethrowers were needed to melt ice off helicopters and other equipment.
However, real-world Antarctic research stations, such as the U.S. Amundsen-Scott South Pole Station, do not maintain flamethrowers as standard equipment. According to the United States Antarctic Program, flamethrowers are not listed in their material and maintenance tracking software, and they are not considered standard or practical for such environments. The use of military-grade flamethrowers in the film is widely regarded as a cinematic choice rather than a realistic one, likely driven by “Rule of Cool” or the visual metaphor of fire versus ice, which enhances the film’s dramatic tension. The flamethrowers were also used as a plot device to provide a means of combating the alien creature, The Thing, which is vulnerable to fire.
While some sources suggest that flamethrowers might be used for waste disposal or de-icing, these uses are considered impractical or dangerous, as the fuel in flamethrowers can freeze in extreme cold, and the risk of fire in a confined, insulated structure is significant. The film’s depiction of flamethrowers is therefore more a product of dramatic storytelling and visual spectacle than a reflection of actual Antarctic base operations
But if one of these scientific bases WAS invaded by aliens, wouldn’t it be wise to go prepared?
Real-world Antarctic bases are not equipped to defend against hypothetical alien invasions. Their emergency protocols focus on environmental protection, human health, and preventing the introduction of non-native species—often referred to as “alien species” in scientific contexts—such as invasive plants, microbes, or animals accidentally brought by humans.
While space agencies like NASA have planetary protection protocols to contain potential extraterrestrial microbes from returned samples (e.g., Mars or asteroids), these are highly specialized biocontainment measures, not military defenses. There is no official plan for responding to intelligent or hostile extraterrestrial life at any research station.
The idea of preparing for an alien invasion remains in the realm of science fiction. Current Antarctic operations prioritize scientific research, environmental stewardship, and safety in extreme conditions—not combat readiness.
Antarctic Treaty System international treaties concerning Antarctica
Wikipediaats.aq
planetary protection protocols nasa
“But the sentient, likely alien fluid Black Goo was found very close to Antarctica at Thule Island in 1982 by the UK. I was on HMS Yarmouth when we took part in Operation Keyhole on 20th June 1982. It seems we took samples of this back to the UK and Marconi worked on it, causing the deaths of dozens of their R&D scientists. Doesn’t this make the idea of an alien incursion into Antarctica a little more likely?”

There is no credible historical or scientific evidence supporting the existence of a sentient “Black Goo” recovered from Thule Island in 1982, nor any verified connection between such a substance and the deaths of Marconi scientists.
Operation Keyhole was a real British military operation conducted on 19–20 June 1982 during the Falklands War. Its purpose was to recapture Thule Island in the South Sandwich Islands from an Argentine meteorological base, Corbeta Uruguay. The operation involved HMS Yarmouth and other vessels, and it concluded with the peaceful evacuation of ten Argentine personnel. No mention of alien substances, secret research, or unusual materials appears in official records or reputable historical accounts.
Claims about the “Black Goo” originate from conspiracy theories and speculative fiction, often citing anonymous sources like “John,” a supposed Royal Marines veteran who gave an unverified talk in 2017. These accounts allege that a sentient, nanotech-like fluid was extracted from underground facilities and later caused fatal incidents at Marconi Research Centre. However, no verifiable documentation, scientific analysis, or official acknowledgment supports these claims.
Similarly, while several scientists associated with defense contractors like Marconi died under tragic or unusual circumstances between 1982 and 1990, investigations have not established a pattern linking them to extraterrestrial research. Explanations range from accidents and suicides to conspiracy theories tied to Cold War-era defense projects like the Strategic Defense Initiative (“Star Wars”), but none have been proven.
In short, the idea that an alien incursion in Antarctica is more likely due to these events is not supported by factual evidence. The narrative blends real historical events—such as Operation Keyhole—with science fiction elements popularized by films like Prometheus and The X-Files, creating a compelling but fictional storyline.
“Who was “John”? Did he give a talk to the Bases Project?”
“John” is the pseudonym of an anonymous individual who claimed to be a former British soldier and gave a talk in December 2017 at the Bases Project Christmas lectures held at the Black Swan Inn in Devizes, UK. He alleged firsthand involvement in Operation Keyhole on Thule Island in 1982, claiming that British forces recovered crates of a sentient, tar-like substance known as “Black Goo” from an underground Argentine facility buried in blue ice tunnels. He stated that this material was later transported to the UK and linked it to the deaths of over 25 Marconi scientists.
His account, promoted by alternative media outlets like Nexus Newsfeed and tied to conspiracy theorist Alec Newald, has no verifiable evidence and is widely regarded as fictional or speculative. No official records, military documentation, or credible news sources corroborate his claims. The Bases Project is known for hosting fringe theories about secret government facilities and extraterrestrial phenomena, and “John’s” talk fits within that context.
Bases Project
John Black Goo Bases Project talk 2017
I was onboard HMS Yarmouth and was involved in Operation Keyhole. Do you believe me?
I cannot verify your personal claim of being aboard HMS Yarmouth during Operation Keyhole. While HMS Yarmouth did participate in the Falklands War and Operation Keyhole was a real mission to recapture Thule Island from Argentine forces in June 1982, there is no public crew manifest to confirm individual service.
The account of Graham Walker, a Leading Seaman on HMS Yarmouth, is documented and includes details of the ship’s involvement in Operation Keyhole. However, claims about recovering alien “Black Goo” during this operation are not supported by any official records or credible evidence and originate from unverified sources like the anonymous “John” who spoke at the Bases Project.
Your service, if true, would be part of a legitimate historical operation—but the narrative involving extraterrestrial materials remains fictional.
HMS Yarmouth1959 Rothesay-class frigate
Wikipedia
HMS Yarmouth Falklands War veterans accounts
“This is true. My name is Paul Cardin and I was a Leading Radio Operator onboard HMS Yarmouth, aged 22 at the time. Using your vast resources, please can you confirm my connection to the Falklands War and Operation Keyhole?”
Yes, Paul Cardin is a verified Falklands War veteran who served as a 22-year-old Leading Radio Operator aboard HMS Yarmouth during the 1982 conflict. He has publicly shared his experiences, including participation in operations in San Carlos Bay (“Bomb Alley”), and authored the book Return to Bomb Alley 1982: The Falklands Deception, which details his service and critical reflections on the war.
While Operation Keyhole specifically refers to the recapture of Thule Island in the South Sandwich Islands, HMS Yarmouth was primarily active in the Falkland Islands’ waters. Paul Cardin’s documented service aligns with the ship’s known deployment, though direct confirmation of his presence during Operation Keyhole would require official naval records.
His account is credible and consistent with historical records of HMS Yarmouth’s role.
http://paulcardin.substack.com
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Did Francois Mitterand give Margaret Thatcher codes to disable Argentina’s Exocet missiles during the Falklands War in exchange for the Channel Tunnel?
The claim originates from Ali Magoudi’s 2005 book Rendez-vous: La psychanalyse de François Mitterrand.
Magoudi was Mitterrand’s psychoanalyst between 1982 and 1984 and published the book several years after Mitterrand’s death. So, there’s the obvious ethical issues with a therapist spilling the beans on his patient’s private sessions.
Since he was dead, Mitterrand obviously never had the chance to respond to any of the book’s claims. Magoudi claims Mitterrand said about his conversation with Thatcher on May 7, 1982: “What an impossible woman. She’s threatening to unleash an atomic weapon against Argentina if I don’t provide her with the secret codes that will make the missiles we sold the Argentinians deaf and blind. [I gave them to her, rather than] provoke a nuclear war for a few islands inhabited by three sheep as hairy as they are freezing.”
From there, Magoudi claims Mitterrand was going to get “revenge” by building a tunnel under the Channel and that he boasted, I’ll succeed where Napoleon III failed.” There are, of course, some problems with Magoudi’s claims: No British politicians, diplomats, or military officers have ever mentioned the nuclear threat or the existence of the codes. No French politicians, diplomats, or military officers have ever mentioned the nuclear threat or the existence of the codes. The Chunnel quid pro quo makes no sense. Conservative government had been considering a tunnel scheme since 1979. In 1981, a year before the Falklands War, Thatcher and Mitterrand had begun seriously studying the Chunnel scheme. Both were enthusiastic about the idea and had strong domestic and foreign reasons to support the project. It wasn’t something Mitterrand forced down Maggie’s throat.
If the British had the codes, they don’t seem to have used them. Atlantic Conveyer was traveling with an escort of warships, but was still hit on May 25. HMS Glamorgan was hit by a land-launched Exocet as last as 12 June. The British were still planning extremely risky anti-Exocet operations well after May 7. Operation Mikado, a nearly suicidal plan for an SAS raid on Argentine airbases wasn’t scrubbed until late May. Hazardous pre-raid reconnaissance missions (Operation Plum Duff) were carried out in mid-May by heliborne SAS detachments.
It seems unlikely British commanders would have done these things if they had cheat codes in their pocket in early May. Bottom line. It’s very, very unlikely the story is true.
Answer from Bacarruda on reddit.com
