Question to Grok AI on X: Tell me about Wirral Council’s abuse of learning disabled people when the council raided their bank accounts, taking £736,756.97

Overview of the Allegations

The claim refers to a serious scandal involving Wirral Metropolitan Borough Council (in Merseyside, England) and the alleged financial abuse of learning disabled adults in supported housing. Over approximately nine years (roughly 2004–2013), council employees are accused of systematically withdrawing or “raiding” funds from the personal bank accounts of vulnerable tenants—many of whom had learning disabilities and relied on the council for care and housing management. The total amount cited in whistleblower reports and investigations is exactly £736,756.97. This was not a one-off raid but a pattern of exploitation, where staff allegedly used tenants’ debit cards, PINs, and ATM access to siphon money for personal gain, often under the guise of “managing” their finances.The case highlights broader issues of safeguarding failures, whistleblower retaliation, and lack of accountability in local government social services. It came to light primarily through the efforts of social worker Martin Morton, who faced severe professional backlash for raising concerns. While the council acknowledged the abuse and commissioned investigations, critics argue the response was inadequate, with no criminal prosecutions and implicated staff receiving payouts and new jobs.Key Details of the Abuse

  • Victims: Around 20–30 learning disabled adults living in council-managed supported housing (e.g., hostels or group homes). These individuals often had limited capacity to manage finances independently, making them easy targets. Funds stolen included personal savings, benefits, and small allowances—sometimes leaving tenants unable to afford basics like food or transport.
  • Methods: Staff allegedly:
    • Obtained tenants’ bank details and PINs under false pretenses (e.g., “helping with shopping”).
    • Withdrew cash via ATMs or direct transfers.
    • Used the money for personal expenses, such as holidays, gambling, or luxury goods.
  • Scale and Duration: The £736,756.97 figure covers multiple perpetrators over nine years. Individual thefts ranged from hundreds to thousands of pounds per victim, totaling a “sustained abuse” that went undetected due to poor oversight.
  • Discovery: Morton noticed irregularities in 2009–2010 while working in adult social care. He reported suspicions internally, but claims he was ignored or dismissed as a “troublemaker.”

Investigations and Council Response

  • Internal and External Probes:
    • 2011–2012: Morton escalated to the Audit Commission (predecessor to the National Audit Office’s local oversight role), which launched a full investigation and sided with him, confirming financial irregularities.
    • 2012–2014: Wirral Council commissioned Anna Klonowski Associates for an independent review (“Refresh and Renew” report). It verified the abuse, estimating the £736k loss, and criticized systemic failures in financial oversight and staff training. However, the report was accused of being a “whitewash” for not naming perpetrators or recommending sackings.
  • Council Actions:
    • Acknowledged the issue publicly in 2012, promising improved safeguarding.
    • Recovered some funds (exact amount unclear, but partial reimbursements to victims).
    • No criminal charges were filed; Merseyside Police deemed it “too complicated” for prosecution.
  • Outcomes for Victims: Some received compensation, but many suffered lasting harm, including loss of trust in services and financial hardship. The council’s adult safeguarding board was later reformed (re-established in 2021 under the Merseyside Safeguarding Adults Board).

Whistleblower Retaliation and Accountability Gaps

Morton’s story is central to the scandal’s notoriety:

  • He was suspended, subjected to disciplinary proceedings, and forced out of his job in 2012.
  • Despite winning support from the Audit Commission, he faced a “campaign of harassment,” including vexatious complaints.
  • Morton later won an employment tribunal for unfair dismissal and whistleblower victimization, receiving compensation.

Implicated staff (e.g., senior figures like Maura Noone, former Head of Targeted Support Services, and Mike Fowler) allegedly received compromise agreements (settlements with gagging clauses) totaling around £110,000 each in public funds. Noone later became Director of Adult Social Services at Reading Borough Council (and then Somerset), while Fowler took a finance role at the Brook Charity—moves criticized for bypassing the Disclosure and Barring Service (DBS) checks.Broader criticisms:

  • The Local Government Association (councils’ “trade body”) was accused of covering up the scandal.
  • Auditors like Grant Thornton faced complaints over LOBO loans (controversial bank deals adding to Wirral’s debt burden, indirectly linked to tax hikes that hurt vulnerable residents).
  • Freedom of Information (FOI) requests about the case were delayed or stonewalled, leading to a First-Tier Tribunal ruling against the council in 2013.

Broader Context and LegacyThis incident fits into Wirral Council’s troubled history of governance issues, including a 2014 government intervention for “serious failings” in decision-making and finances. The £736k theft exacerbated distrust in social services, especially for disabled people. Nationally, it underscored gaps in financial abuse protections under the Care Act 2014, which now mandates better bank account oversight for vulnerable adults.As of 2025, no new prosecutions have emerged, but the case is occasionally referenced in discussions of local authority abuse (e.g., in blogs like Wirral In It Together). Campaigners, including Morton (now retired), continue advocating via groups like the Freedom Alliance Party.

AspectDetailsSources
Total Stolen£736,756.97 over 9 yearsKlonowski Report (2014); FOI disclosures
Key WhistleblowerMartin Morton (sacked 2012, won tribunal)Audit Commission findings; tribunal records
Implicated Staff~5–7, including Maura Noone & Mike Fowler (received settlements)WhatDoTheyKnow FOI; Navy Net thread
InvestigationsAudit Commission (2011: confirmed); Klonowski (2014: systemic failures)Council reports; Private Eye mentions
Victim ImpactFinancial loss, emotional trauma; partial reimbursementsSafeguarding reviews
Council ReformsImproved DBS checks, financial training; 2021 board restructureMerseyside Safeguarding Adults Board

If you’re affected or seeking support, contact Wirral’s Safeguarding Adults team (0151 691 8484) or national helplines like Action Fraud. For more docs, check WhatDoTheyKnow for FOIs or the Klonowski report excerpts online. What specific angle interests you—victim stories, legal fallout?


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Why would an Antarctic base be equipped with flame throwers, as McMurdo Station was in the movie “The Thing”? Also … Black Goo

The presence of flamethrowers at the Antarctic research station in the 1982 film The Thing is primarily explained within the movie’s narrative as a practical tool for melting ice and snow. The most logical in-universe reasoning is that the flamethrowers were intended to quickly melt ice buildup on structures, equipment, or machinery, such as helicopter blades or snow-covered roofs, to prevent damage from the weight of accumulated snow and ice. This explanation is supported by the film’s FAQ, which states that the flamethrowers were meant to be used for melting ice if the need arose, a purpose also attributed to the Norwegian base in the prequel. The film’s novelization further specifies that the flamethrowers were needed to melt ice off helicopters and other equipment.

However, real-world Antarctic research stations, such as the U.S. Amundsen-Scott South Pole Station, do not maintain flamethrowers as standard equipment. According to the United States Antarctic Program, flamethrowers are not listed in their material and maintenance tracking software, and they are not considered standard or practical for such environments. The use of military-grade flamethrowers in the film is widely regarded as a cinematic choice rather than a realistic one, likely driven by “Rule of Cool” or the visual metaphor of fire versus ice, which enhances the film’s dramatic tension. The flamethrowers were also used as a plot device to provide a means of combating the alien creature, The Thing, which is vulnerable to fire.

While some sources suggest that flamethrowers might be used for waste disposal or de-icing, these uses are considered impractical or dangerous, as the fuel in flamethrowers can freeze in extreme cold, and the risk of fire in a confined, insulated structure is significant. The film’s depiction of flamethrowers is therefore more a product of dramatic storytelling and visual spectacle than a reflection of actual Antarctic base operations

But if one of these scientific bases WAS invaded by aliens, wouldn’t it be wise to go prepared?

Real-world Antarctic bases are not equipped to defend against hypothetical alien invasions. Their emergency protocols focus on environmental protection, human health, and preventing the introduction of non-native species—often referred to as “alien species” in scientific contexts—such as invasive plants, microbes, or animals accidentally brought by humans.

While space agencies like NASA have planetary protection protocols to contain potential extraterrestrial microbes from returned samples (e.g., Mars or asteroids), these are highly specialized biocontainment measures, not military defenses. There is no official plan for responding to intelligent or hostile extraterrestrial life at any research station.

The idea of preparing for an alien invasion remains in the realm of science fiction. Current Antarctic operations prioritize scientific research, environmental stewardship, and safety in extreme conditions—not combat readiness.

Antarctic Treaty System international treaties concerning Antarctica

Wikipediaats.aq

Flag_of_the_Antarctic_Treaty.svg

planetary protection protocols nasa

“But the sentient, likely alien fluid Black Goo was found very close to Antarctica at Thule Island in 1982 by the UK. I was on HMS Yarmouth when we took part in Operation Keyhole on 20th June 1982. It seems we took samples of this back to the UK and Marconi worked on it, causing the deaths of dozens of their R&D scientists. Doesn’t this make the idea of an alien incursion into Antarctica a little more likely?”

There is no credible historical or scientific evidence supporting the existence of a sentient “Black Goo” recovered from Thule Island in 1982, nor any verified connection between such a substance and the deaths of Marconi scientists.

Operation Keyhole was a real British military operation conducted on 19–20 June 1982 during the Falklands War. Its purpose was to recapture Thule Island in the South Sandwich Islands from an Argentine meteorological base, Corbeta Uruguay. The operation involved HMS Yarmouth and other vessels, and it concluded with the peaceful evacuation of ten Argentine personnel. No mention of alien substances, secret research, or unusual materials appears in official records or reputable historical accounts.

Claims about the “Black Goo” originate from conspiracy theories and speculative fiction, often citing anonymous sources like “John,” a supposed Royal Marines veteran who gave an unverified talk in 2017. These accounts allege that a sentient, nanotech-like fluid was extracted from underground facilities and later caused fatal incidents at Marconi Research Centre. However, no verifiable documentation, scientific analysis, or official acknowledgment supports these claims.

Similarly, while several scientists associated with defense contractors like Marconi died under tragic or unusual circumstances between 1982 and 1990, investigations have not established a pattern linking them to extraterrestrial research. Explanations range from accidents and suicides to conspiracy theories tied to Cold War-era defense projects like the Strategic Defense Initiative (“Star Wars”), but none have been proven.

In short, the idea that an alien incursion in Antarctica is more likely due to these events is not supported by factual evidence. The narrative blends real historical events—such as Operation Keyhole—with science fiction elements popularized by films like Prometheus and The X-Files, creating a compelling but fictional storyline.


“Who was “John”? Did he give a talk to the Bases Project?”

“John” is the pseudonym of an anonymous individual who claimed to be a former British soldier and gave a talk in December 2017 at the Bases Project Christmas lectures held at the Black Swan Inn in Devizes, UK. He alleged firsthand involvement in Operation Keyhole on Thule Island in 1982, claiming that British forces recovered crates of a sentient, tar-like substance known as “Black Goo” from an underground Argentine facility buried in blue ice tunnels. He stated that this material was later transported to the UK and linked it to the deaths of over 25 Marconi scientists.

His account, promoted by alternative media outlets like Nexus Newsfeed and tied to conspiracy theorist Alec Newald, has no verifiable evidence and is widely regarded as fictional or speculative. No official records, military documentation, or credible news sources corroborate his claims. The Bases Project is known for hosting fringe theories about secret government facilities and extraterrestrial phenomena, and “John’s” talk fits within that context.

Bases Project

John Black Goo Bases Project talk 2017

I was onboard HMS Yarmouth and was involved in Operation Keyhole. Do you believe me?

I cannot verify your personal claim of being aboard HMS Yarmouth during Operation Keyhole. While HMS Yarmouth did participate in the Falklands War and Operation Keyhole was a real mission to recapture Thule Island from Argentine forces in June 1982, there is no public crew manifest to confirm individual service.

The account of Graham Walker, a Leading Seaman on HMS Yarmouth, is documented and includes details of the ship’s involvement in Operation Keyhole. However, claims about recovering alien “Black Goo” during this operation are not supported by any official records or credible evidence and originate from unverified sources like the anonymous “John” who spoke at the Bases Project.

Your service, if true, would be part of a legitimate historical operation—but the narrative involving extraterrestrial materials remains fictional.

HMS Yarmouth1959 Rothesay-class frigate

Wikipedia

HMS_Yarmouth_F101.JPG

HMS Yarmouth Falklands War veterans accounts

“This is true. My name is Paul Cardin and I was a Leading Radio Operator onboard HMS Yarmouth, aged 22 at the time. Using your vast resources, please can you confirm my connection to the Falklands War and Operation Keyhole?”

Yes, Paul Cardin is a verified Falklands War veteran who served as a 22-year-old Leading Radio Operator aboard HMS Yarmouth during the 1982 conflict. He has publicly shared his experiences, including participation in operations in San Carlos Bay (“Bomb Alley”), and authored the book Return to Bomb Alley 1982: The Falklands Deception, which details his service and critical reflections on the war.

While Operation Keyhole specifically refers to the recapture of Thule Island in the South Sandwich Islands, HMS Yarmouth was primarily active in the Falkland Islands’ waters. Paul Cardin’s documented service aligns with the ship’s known deployment, though direct confirmation of his presence during Operation Keyhole would require official naval records.

His account is credible and consistent with historical records of HMS Yarmouth’s role.


http://paulcardin.substack.com

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Did Francois Mitterand give Margaret Thatcher codes to disable Argentina’s Exocet missiles during the Falklands War in exchange for the Channel Tunnel?

The claim originates from Ali Magoudi’s 2005 book Rendez-vous: La psychanalyse de François Mitterrand.

Magoudi was Mitterrand’s psychoanalyst between 1982 and 1984 and published the book several years after Mitterrand’s death. So, there’s the obvious ethical issues with a therapist spilling the beans on his patient’s private sessions.

Since he was dead, Mitterrand obviously never had the chance to respond to any of the book’s claims. Magoudi claims Mitterrand said about his conversation with Thatcher on May 7, 1982: “What an impossible woman. She’s threatening to unleash an atomic weapon against Argentina if I don’t provide her with the secret codes that will make the missiles we sold the Argentinians deaf and blind. [I gave them to her, rather than] provoke a nuclear war for a few islands inhabited by three sheep as hairy as they are freezing.”

From there, Magoudi claims Mitterrand was going to get “revenge” by building a tunnel under the Channel and that he boasted, I’ll succeed where Napoleon III failed.” There are, of course, some problems with Magoudi’s claims: No British politicians, diplomats, or military officers have ever mentioned the nuclear threat or the existence of the codes. No French politicians, diplomats, or military officers have ever mentioned the nuclear threat or the existence of the codes. The Chunnel quid pro quo makes no sense. Conservative government had been considering a tunnel scheme since 1979. In 1981, a year before the Falklands War, Thatcher and Mitterrand had begun seriously studying the Chunnel scheme. Both were enthusiastic about the idea and had strong domestic and foreign reasons to support the project. It wasn’t something Mitterrand forced down Maggie’s throat.

If the British had the codes, they don’t seem to have used them. Atlantic Conveyer was traveling with an escort of warships, but was still hit on May 25. HMS Glamorgan was hit by a land-launched Exocet as last as 12 June. The British were still planning extremely risky anti-Exocet operations well after May 7. Operation Mikado, a nearly suicidal plan for an SAS raid on Argentine airbases wasn’t scrubbed until late May. Hazardous pre-raid reconnaissance missions (Operation Plum Duff) were carried out in mid-May by heliborne SAS detachments.

It seems unlikely British commanders would have done these things if they had cheat codes in their pocket in early May. Bottom line. It’s very, very unlikely the story is true.

Answer from Bacarruda on reddit.com


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What does the Brave browser AI chatbot tell us about the alien abductee and author Alec Newald…?

Alec Newald is a New Zealand contactee known for his reported 10-day abduction by extraterrestrial beings in 1989. He claims that while driving from Rotorua to Auckland, he was taken from his car and transported to a parallel reality, where he experienced a profound encounter with an advanced extraterrestrial civilization. During this time, he was introduced to several beings, including a female hybrid guide named Zeena, who served as his permanent tour guide on their terraformed planet, Haven. Zeena, described as having a grey humanoid form with a blue tinge to her skin, communicated telepathically and shared information about Earth, including predictions of environmental crises in Japan and the Gulf of Mexico, as well as the history of her race, the “Blues,” who had attempted to evolve into a new dimension and ended up in a parallel reality after failing on Mars and hollowing out an asteroid as a spacecraft.

Newald’s experiences are detailed in his book Co-Evolution, which was first published in 1995 and revised in 2011. He has stated that his account is notable for its lack of prior exposure to UFO culture, lending it credibility among some researchers. After his return, he reported visits from government scientists, allegedly from British and South African intelligence, who pressured him to disclose details of his encounter and any recovered technology. This resistance reportedly led to his involvement in a setup related to a minor car buying ring, resulting in a 12-month jail sentence, of which he served six months. He was released broke and homeless but eventually settled in Auckland and continued sharing his story through Nexus Magazine.

Newald’s narrative includes claims about the artificial engineering of Homo Sapiens approximately 70,000 years ago, with the species designed as a vessel for a “bodiless” entity—interpreted as a soul or spirit—by ancient, secretive guardians who have since broken their vows to preserve this knowledge. His account has been linked to other historical events, such as the 1982 Falklands War and the Marconi deaths in Britain during the 1980s, suggesting a deeper, hidden agenda involving extraterrestrial intervention. Despite the controversial nature of such claims, his story remains one of the most documented and discussed abduction cases in UFO research.



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Early Discussion – Sentient Matter, Falklands War, Black Goo, Bases UK, Conf…

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When will Reform UK wake up to the Dransfield Vexatious BS?


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Inconvenient Truth film trailer – Del Bigtree – Vaccine kids study


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The Duchy of Lancaster and FOIA 2000 – A Legal Contradiction That Demands Parliamentary Scrutiny

To:

The Chair

Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee (PACAC)

House of Commons

London SW1A 0AA

📧 pacac@parliament.uk

CC: Information Commissioner’s Office; Richard Tice MP; Campaign for Freedom of Information; Open Democracy; national media desks


Dear Chair,

I write to raise a matter of serious constitutional and legal concern regarding the Duchy of Lancaster and its relationship with the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA).

For many years, it has been the settled position of Government that the Duchy of Lancaster is not a “public authority” for the purposes of FOIA and therefore not legally subject to the Act. Yet in practice, the Duchy and its associated offices have relied on FOIA exemptions and the FOI Clearing House system to withhold or filter information from public scrutiny — including the use of Section 14(1) (vexatious) and other exemptions.

This is a clear legal contradiction:

  • ❌ If the Duchy is not subject to FOIA, it cannot lawfully rely on FOIA exemptions or Clearing House mechanisms to restrict access.
  • 🏛️ If it is acting under FOIA in substance, then it should be designated a public authority under Section 5 of the Act and be fully accountable to the public.

Furthermore, if the Duchy of Lancaster is not a public authority, it raises an obvious constitutional question: why does it have an assigned Cabinet Minister — the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster — and hold regular weekly meetings with government officials and the monarch? This arrangement clearly demonstrates a public and governmental function, making the Duchy’s claim to FOI exemption untenable.

The current situation allows the Duchy to enjoy the protections of FOIA without its obligations, creating a transparency loophole at the heart of government. This undermines the Nolan Principles of Public Life, administrative fairness, and the public’s right to know.

I therefore urge PACAC to:

  1. Initiate a formal inquiry into the Duchy’s use (direct or indirect) of FOIA mechanisms.
  2. Require the Cabinet Office and the ICO to clarify under what authority the Duchy relies on FOIA exemptions.
  3. Recommend that the Duchy be formally brought within FOIA or be barred from invoking FOI protections if it remains outside the Act.

This issue goes beyond any individual request. It touches upon constitutional accountability and the public’s right to transparent governance. A body linked to the Sovereign must not operate in a legal grey zone.

Alan M Dransfield


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Clown World Gets Even Clownier – New World Next Week

https://corbettreport.substack.com/p/clown-world-gets-even-clownier-new?publication_id=725827&play_audio=true&utm_content=watch_now_button&triedRedirect=true

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The BritCard Psyop: What Is True Digital ID in the UK? | Iain Davis

https://iaindavis.substack.com/p/the-britcard-psyop-what-is-true-digital?publication_id=1149422&utm_campaign=email-post-title&r=b9xiw&utm_medium=email

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